By Stephanie Hemelryk Donald
1. creation: techniques of Cosmopolitanism and Parochialism Stephanie Hemelryk Donald, Eleonore Kofman and Catherine Kevin 2. Strangers as acquaintances within the Cosmopolis: New Migrants in London, range and position Panos Hatziprokopiou three. Conflicting Mobilities: Cultural variety and town Branding in Berlin Kira Kosnick. Branding the town: promoting Contradiction for international virtue four. London's Chinatown: Branded position or neighborhood house? Rosemary revenues, Alessio d'Angelo, Xiujing Liang and Nicola Montagna five. residing and Making the Branded urban and its Contradictions: expert european Migrants in Manchester Paul Kennedy 6. realizing Cultural Quarters in Branded towns Simon Roodhouse. notion of town: Cinematic Futures and the Grounds of the current 7. London Undead: Screening/Branding the Empty urban Christoph Lindner eight. Branding the Modernist city: The everlasting urban and town of lighting in Cinema after global struggle Mark Shiel nine. Nantes's Atlantic challenge invoice Marshall. family members Histories: The Remembered urban 10. Stripes and My kingdom or, On no longer Being at domestic Stephanie Hemelryk Donald eleven. Cosmopolitanism with Roots: The Jewish Presence in Shanghai ahead of the Communist Revolution and as model within the New city Andrew Jakubowicz 12. A l. a. Mode: The Cosmopolitan and the Provincial Yi Zheng. Coda thirteen. Cosmopolitanism, Branding and the general public Realm Jeff Malpas
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Extra resources for Branding cities : cosmopolitanism, parochialism, and social change
Economic growth now depends on cities being able to share in the flow of the “creative classes,” and the new human motors of growth will be both attracted by and contribute to a city’s diversity. Despite this positive evaluation of immigration and diversity as economic growth factors in urban environments, the headlines made by urban immigrant minorities in the European mass media over the past years hardly contribute to the positive cosmopolitan image that many cities would like to convey. The large immigrant minorities that have taken up city residence as a result of labor migration in the 1960s and 1970s—as refugees fleeing violent conflict or in the aftermath of colonialism—are more often than not publicly associated with threats to the very values of tolerance, openness, and enterprise that are regarded as central to cosmopolitan success.
I shall end with a discussion of these using an approach that builds on the multiple relationships acknowledged by strangers and neighbors in the everyday spaces of the cosmopolis. STRANGERS AND NEIGHBORS IN THE COSMOPOLIS Simmel’s (1950b) delineation of the stranger as someone “who comes today and stays tomorrow” encapsulates the “unity of nearness and remoteness” that makes the Other simultaneously an “objective” outsider and an “element of the group itself” (402). This simultaneous “nearness and remoteness,” 16 Panos Hatziprokopiou however, is also a feature embedded in the urban condition, marked by uprooting and resettlement, proximity and distance, anonymity and mutual indifference (“blasé attitude”): the city is a coming together of strangers and a site generating estrangement (Simmel 1950a; Papastergiadis 2000; Iveson 2006).
Violence, abuse. . There is a Strangers as Neighbors in the Cosmopolis 23 huge difference in economic status. . It’s also the amount of people that go through that place . . it just creates problems . . it just attracts . . muggers and that kind of people. (Lucas) Dodgy . . in terms of personal experience I never had any problem in that area. . But there had been in the newspaper . . that someone had been killed around the area, someone had been robbed . . you’d see sometimes the hoodies .